THE RELIGION OF THE ANCIENT CELTS
RIVER AND WELL WORSHIP
Among the Celts the testimony
of contemporary witnesses, inscriptions, votive
offerings, and survivals, shows the importance of the cult of waters and of
water divinities. Mr. Gomme argues that Celtic water-worship was derived from
the pre-Celtic aborigines,1
but if so, the Celts must have had a peculiar aptitude for it, since they were
so enthusiastic in its observance. What probably happened was that the Celts,
already worshippers of the waters, freely adopted local cults of water wherever
they came. Some rivers or river-goddesses in Celtic regions seem to posses
pre-Celtic names.2
Treasures were flung into a sacred lake near Toulouse to cause a pestilence
to cease. Caepion, who afterwards fished up this treasure, fell soon after in
battle--a punishment for cupidity, and aurum Tolosanum now became an
expression for goods dishonestly acquired.3
A yearly festival, lasting three days, took place at Lake Gévaudan. Garments,
food, and wax were thrown into the waters, and animals were sacrificed. On the
fourth day, it is said, there never failed to spring up a tempest of rain,
thunder, and lightning--a strange reward for this worship of the lake.4
S. Columba routed the spirits of a Scottish fountain which was worshipped as a
god, and the well now became sacred, perhaps to the saint himself, who washed in it
and blessed it so that it cured diseases.5
On inscriptions a river name is prefixed by some divine epithet--dea, augusta,
and the worshipper records his gratitude for benefits received from the divinity
or the river itself. Bormanus, Bormo or Borvo, Danuvius (the Danube), and
Luxovius are found on inscriptions as names of river or fountain gods, but
goddesses are more numerous--Acionna, Aventia, Bormana, Brixia, Carpundia,
Clutoida, Divona, Sirona, Ura--well-nymphs; and Icauna (the Yonne), Matrona, and
Sequana (the Seine)--river-goddesses.6
No inscription to the goddess of a lake has yet been found. Some personal names
like Dubrogenos (son of the Dubron), Enigenus (son of the Aenus), and the belief
of Virdumarus that one of his ancestors was the Rhine,7
point to the idea that river-divinities might have amours with mortals and beget
progeny called by their names. In Ireland, Conchobar was so named from the river
whence his mother Nessa drew water, perhaps because he was a child of the
river-god.8
The name of the water-divinity was sometimes given to the place of his or her
cult, or to the towns which sprang up on the banks of rivers-the divinity thus
becoming a tutelary god. Many towns (e.g. Divonne or Dyonne, etc.) have
names derived from a common Celtic river name Deuona, "divine." This
name in various forms is found all over the Celtic area,9
and there is little doubt that the Celts, in their onward progress, named river
after river by the name of the same divinity, believing that each
new river was a part of his or her kingdom. The
name was probably first an appellative, then a personal name, the divine river
becoming a divinity. Deus Nemausus occurs on votive tablets at Nimes, the name
Nemausus being that of the clear and abundant spring there whence flowed the
river of the same name. A similar name occurs in other regions--Nemesa, a
tributary of the Moselle; Nemh, the source of the Tara and the former name of
the Blackwater; and Nimis, a Spanish river mentioned by Appian. Another group
includes the Matrona (Marne), the Moder, the Madder, the Maronne and Maronna,
and others, probably derived from a word signifying "mother."10
The mother-river was that which watered a whole region, just as in the Hindu
sacred books the waters are mothers, sources of fertility. The Celtic
mother-rivers were probably goddesses, akin to the Matres, givers of
plenty and fertility. In Gaul, Sirona, a river-goddess, is represented like the Matres.
She was associated with Grannos, perhaps as his mother, and Professor Rhŷs
equates the pair with the Welsh Modron and Mabon; Modron is probably connected
with Matrona.11
In any case the Celts regarded rivers as bestowers of life, health, and plenty,
and offered them rich gifts and sacrifices.12
Gods like Grannos, Borvo, and others, equated with Apollo, presided over
healing springs, and they are usually associated with goddesses, as their
husbands or sons. But as the goddesses are more numerous, and as most Celtic
river names are feminine, female divinities of rivers and springs doubtless had
the earlier and foremost place, especially as their cult was connected
with fertility. The gods, fewer in number, were all
equated with Apollo, but the goddesses were not merged by the Romans into the
personality of one goddess, since they themselves had their groups of
river-goddesses, Nymphs and Naiads. Before the Roman conquest the cult of
water-divinities, friends of mankind, must have formed a large part of the
popular religion of Gaul, and their names may be counted by hundreds. Thermal
springs had also their genii, and they were appropriated by the Romans, so that
the local gods now shared their healing powers with Apollo, Æsculapius, and the
Nymphs. Thus every spring, every woodland brook, every river in glen or valley,
the roaring cataract, and the lake were haunted by divine beings, mainly thought
of as beautiful females with whom the Matres were undoubtedly associated.
There they revealed themselves to their worshippers, and when paganism had
passed away, they remained as fées or fairies haunting spring, or well,
or river.13
Scores of fairy wells still exist, and by them mediæval knights had many a
fabled amour with those beautiful beings still seen by the "ignorant"
but romantic peasant.
Sanctuaries were erected at these springs by grateful worshippers, and at
some of them festivals were held, or they were the resort of pilgrims. As
sources of fertility they had a place in the ritual of the great festivals, and
sacred wells were visited on Midsummer day, when also the river-gods claimed
their human victims. Some of the goddesses were represented by statues or busts
in Gallo-Roman times, if not earlier, and other images of them which have been
found were of the nature of ex-votos, presented by worshippers in
gratitude for the goddess's healing gifts. Money, ingots of gold or silver, and models
of limbs or other parts of the body which had been or were desired to be healed,
were also presented. Gregory of Tours says of the Gauls that they
"represent in wood or bronze the members in which they suffer, and whose
healing they desire, and place them in a temple."14
Contact of the model with the divinity brought healing to the actual limbs on
the principle of sympathetic magic. Many such models have been discovered. Thus
in the shrine of Dea Sequana was found a vase with over a hundred; another
contained over eight hundred. Inscriptions were engraved on plaques which were
fastened to the walls of temples, or placed in springs.15
Leaden tablets with inscriptions were placed in springs by those who desired
healing or when the waters were low, and on some the actual waters are hardly
discriminated from the divinities. The latter are asked to heal or flow or
swell--words which apply more to the waters than to them, while the tablets,
with their frank animism, also show that, in some cases, there were many
elemental spirits of a well, only some of whom were rising to the rank of a
goddess. They are called collectively Niskas--the Nixies of later
tradition, but some have personal names--Lerano, Dibona, Dea--showing that they
were tending to become separate divine personalities. The Peisgi are also
appealed to, perhaps the later Piskies, unless the word is a corrupt form of a
Celtic peiskos, or the Latin piscus, "fish."16
This is unlikely, as fish could not exist in a warm sulphurous spring, though
the Celts believed in the sacred fish of wells or streams. The fairies now
associated with wells or with a water-world beneath them, are usually nameless, and only in a few cases have
a definite name. They, like the older spirits of the wells, have generally a
beneficent character.17
Thus in the fountains of Logres dwelt damsels who fed the wayfarer with meat and
bread, until grievous wrong was done them, when they disappeared and the land
became waste.18
Occasionally, however, they have a more malevolent character.19
The spirit of the waters was often embodied in an animal, usually a fish.
Even now in Brittany the fairy dweller in a spring has the form of an eel, while
in the seventeenth century Highland wells contained fish so sacred that no one
dared to catch them.20
In Wales S. Cybi's well contained a huge eel in whose virtues the villagers
believed, and terror prevailed when any one dared to take it from the water. Two
sacred fish still exist in a holy well at Nant Peris, and are replaced by others
when they die, the dead fish being buried.21
This latter act, solemnly performed, is a true sign of the divine or sacred
character of the animal. Many wells with sacred fish exist in Ireland, and the
fish have usually some supernatural quality--they never alter in size, they
become invisible, or they take the form of beautiful women.22
Any one destroying such fish was regarded as a sacrilegious person, and
sometimes a hostile tribe killed and ate the sacred fish of a district invaded
by them, just as Egyptians of one nome insulted those of another by killing
their sacred animals.23
In old Irish beliefs the salmon was the fish of knowledge. Thus whoever ate the
salmon of Connla's well was dowered with the wisdom which had come to them through eating nuts
from the hazels of knowledge around the well. In this case the sacred fish was
eaten, but probably by certain persons only--those who had the right to do so.
Sinend, who went to seek inspiration from the well, probably by eating one of
its salmon, was overwhelmed by its waters. The legend of the salmon is perhaps
based on old ritual practices of the occasional eating of a divine animal. In
other cases, legends of a miraculous supply of fish from sacred wells are
perhaps later Christian traditions of former pagan beliefs or customs concerning
magical methods of increasing a sacred or totem animal species, like those used
in Central Australia and New Guinea.24
The frog is sometimes the sacred animal, and this recalls the Märchen of
the Frog Bridegroom living in a well, who insisted on marrying the girl who drew
its waters. Though this tale is not peculiar to the Celts, it is not improbable
that the divine animal guardian of a well may have become the hero of a
folk-tale, especially as such wells were sometimes tabu to women.25
A fly was the guardian spirit of S. Michael's well in Banffshire. Auguries
regarding health were drawn from its movements, and it was believed that the
fly, when it grew old, transmigrated into another.26
Such beliefs were not peculiarly Celtic. They are found in all European
folk-lore, and they are still alive among savages--the animal being itself
divine or the personification of a divinity. A huge sacred eel was worshipped by
the Fijians; in North America and elsewhere there were serpent guardians of the
waters; and the Semites worshipped the fish of sacred wells as incarnations or,
symbols of a god.
Later Celtic folk-belief associated monstrous and malevolent
beings with rivers and lakes. These may be the older divinities to whom a
demoniac form has been given, but even in pagan times such monstrous beings may
have been believed in, or they may be survivals of the more primitive monstrous
guardians of the waters. The last were dragons or serpents, conventional forms
of the reptiles which once dwelt in watery places, attacking all who came near.
This old idea certainly survived in Irish and Highland belief, for the Fians
conquered huge dragons or serpents in lochs, or saints chained them to the
bottom of the waters. Hence the common place-name of Loch na piast, "Loch
of the Monster." In other tales they emerge and devour the impious or feast
on the dead.27
The Dracs of French superstition--river monsters who assume human form
and drag down victims to the depths, where they devour them--resemble these.
The Each Uisge, or "Water-horse," a horse with staring eyes,
webbed feet, and a slimy coat, is still dreaded. He assumes different forms and
lures the unwary to destruction, or he makes love in human shape to women, some
of whom discover his true nature by seeing a piece of water-weed in his hair,
and only escape with difficulty. Such a water-horse was forced to drag the
chariot of S. Fechin of Fore, and under his influence became "gentler than
any other horse."28
Many Highland lochs are still haunted by this dreaded being, and he is also
known in Ireland and France, where, however, he has more of a tricky and less of
a demoniac nature.29
His horse form is perhaps connected with the similar form ascribed to Celtic water-divinities.
Manannan's horses were the waves, and he was invariably associated with a horse.
Epona, the horse-goddess, was perhaps originally goddess of a spring, and, like
the Matres, she is sometimes connected with the waters.30
Horses were also sacrificed to river-divinities.31
But the beneficent water-divinities in their horse form have undergone a curious
distortion, perhaps as the result of later Christian influences. The name of one
branch of the Fomorians, the Goborchinn, means the "Horse-headed," and
one of their kings was Eochaid Echchenn, or "Horse-head."32
Whether these have any connection with the water-horse is uncertain.
The foaming waters may have suggested another animal personification, since
the name of the Boyne in Ptolemy,
βουούινδα, is derived from a
primitive bóu-s, "ox," and vindo-s, "white,"
in Irish bó find, "white cow."33
But it is not certain that this or the Celtic cult of the bull was connected
with the belief in the Tarbh Uisge, or "Water-bull," which had
no ears and could assume other shapes. It dwells in lochs and is generally
friendly to man, occasionally emerging to mate with ordinary cows. In the Isle
of Man the Tarroo Ushtey, however, begets monsters.34
These Celtic water-monsters have a curious resemblance to the Australian Bunyip.
The Uruisg, often confused with the brownie, haunts lonely places and
waterfalls, and, according to his mood, helps or harms the wayfarer. His
appearance is that of a man with shaggy hair and beard.35
In Wales the afanc is a water-monster, though the word first meant
"dwarf," then "water-dwarf," of whom many kinds existed.
They correspond to the Irish water-dwarfs, the Luchorpáin, descended
with the Fomorians and Goborchinn from Ham.36
In other cases the old water beings have a more pleasing form, like the
syrens and other fairy beings who haunt French rivers, or the mermaids of Irish
estuaries.37
In Celtic France and Britain lake fairies are connected with a water-world like
that of Elysium tales, the region of earlier divinities.38
They unite with mortals, who, as in the Swan-maiden tales, lose their fairy
brides through breaking a tabu. In many Welsh tales the bride is obtained by
throwing bread and cheese on the waters, when she appears with an old man who
has all the strength of youth. He presents his daughter and a number of fairy
animals to the mortal. When she disappears into the waters after the breaking of
the tabu, the lake is sometimes drained in order to recover her; the father then
appears and threatens to submerge the whole district. Father and daughters are
earlier lake divinities, and in the bread and cheese we may see a relic of the
offerings to these.39
Human sacrifice to water-divinities is suggested by the belief that
water-monsters devour human beings, and by the tradition that a river claims its
toll of victims every year. In popular rhymes the annual character of the
sacrifice is hinted at, and Welsh legend tells of a voice heard once a year from rivers or
lakes, crying, "The hour is come, but the man is not."40
Here there is the trace of an abandoned custom of sacrifice and of the
traditional idea of the anger of the divinity at being neglected. Such spirits
or gods, like the water-monsters, would be ever on the watch to capture those
who trespassed on their domain. In some cases the victim is supposed to be
claimed on Midsummer eve, the time of the sacrifice in the pagan period.41
The spirits of wells had also a harmful aspect to those, at least, who showed
irreverence in approaching them. This is seen in legends about the danger of
looking rashly into a well or neglecting to cover it, or in the belief that one
must not look back after visiting the well. Spirits of wells were also besought
to do harm to enemies.
Legends telling of the danger of removing or altering a well, or of the well
moving elsewhere because a woman washed her hands in it, point to old tabus
concerning wells. Boand, wife of Nechtain, went to the fairy well which he and
his cup-bearers alone might visit, and when she showed her contempt for it, the
waters rose and destroyed her. They now flow as the river Boyne. Sinend met with
a similar fate for intruding on Connla's well, in this case the pursuing waters
became the Shannon.42
These are variants of a story which might be used to explain the origin of any river, but the legends
suggest that certain wells were tabu to women because certain branches of
knowledge, taught by the well, must be reserved for men.43
The legends said in effect, "See what came of women obtruding beyond their
proper sphere." Savage "mysteries" are usually tabu to women, who
also exclude men from their sacred rites. On the other hand, as all tribal lore
was once in the hands of the wise woman, such tabus and legends may have arisen
when men began to claim such lore. In other legends women are connected with
wells, as the guardians who must keep them locked up save when water was drawn.
When the woman neglected to replace the cover, the waters burst forth,
overwhelming her, and formed a loch.44
The woman is the priestess of the well who, neglecting part of its ritual, is
punished. Even in recent times we find sacred wells in charge of a woman who
instructs the visitors in the due ritual to be performed.45
If such legends and survivals thus point to former Celtic Priestesses of wells,
these are paralleled by the Norse Horgabrudar, guardians of wells, now elves
living in the waters.46
That such legends are based on the ritual of well-worship is suggested by
Boand's walking three times widdershins round the well,
instead of the customary deiseil. The due ritual must be observed, and the stories
are a warning against its neglect.
In spite of twenty centuries of Christianity and the anathemas of saints and
councils, the old pagan practices at healing wells have survived--a striking
instance of human conservatism. S. Patrick found the pagans of his day
worshipping a well called Slán, "health-giving," and offering
sacrifices to it,47
and the Irish peasant to-day has no doubt that there is something divine about
his holy wells. The Celts brought the belief in the divinity of springs and
wells with them, but would naturally adopt local cults wherever they found them.
Afterwards the Church placed the old pagan wells under the protection of saints,
but part of the ritual often remained unchanged. Hence many wells have been
venerated for ages by different races and through changes in religion and
polity. Thus at the thermal springs of Vicarello offerings have been found which
show that their cult has continued from the Stone Age, through the Bronze Age,
to the days of Roman civilisation, and so into modern times; nor is this a
solitary instance.48
But it serves to show that all races, high and low, preserve the great outlines
of primitive nature religion unchanged. In all probability the ritual of the
healing wells has also remained in great part unaltered, and wherever it is
found it follows the same general type. The patient perambulated the well three
times deiseil or sun-wise, taking care not to utter a word. Then he knelt
at the well and prayed to the divinity for his healing. In modern times the
saint, but occasionally the well itself, is prayed to.49
Then he drank of the waters, bathed in them, or laved his limbs or sores,
probably attended by the priestess of the well. Having paid her dues, he made an offering to
the divinity of the well, and affixed the bandage or part of his clothing to the
well or a tree near by, that through it he might be in continuous rapport
with the healing influences. Ritual formulæ probably accompanied these acts,
but otherwise no word was spoken, and the patient must not look back on leaving
the well. Special times, Beltane, Midsummer, or August 1st, were favourable for
such visits,50
and where a patient was too ill to present himself at the well, another might
perform the ritual for him.51
The rag, or clothing hung on the tree seems to connect the spirit of the tree
with that of the well, and tree and well are often found together. But sometimes
it is thrown into the well, just as the Gaulish villagers of S. Gregory's day
threw offerings of cloth and wool into a sacred lake.52
The rag is even now regarded in the light of an offering, and such offerings,
varying from valuable articles of clothing to mere rags, are still hung on
sacred trees by the folk. It thus probably has always had a sacrificial aspect
in the ritual of the well, but as magic and religion constantly blend, it had
also its magical aspect. The rag, once in contact with the patient, transferred
his disease to the tree, or, being still subtly connected with him, through it
the healing properties passed over to him.
The offering thrown into the well--a pin, coin, etc., may also have this
double aspect. The sore is often pricked or rubbed with the pin as if to
transfer the disease to the well, and if picked up by another person, the
disease may pass to him. This is also true of the coin.53
But other examples show the sacrificial nature of the pin or other trifle, which
is probably symbolic or a survival of a more costly offering. In some cases it
is thought that those who do not leave it at the well from which they have drunk
will die of thirst, and where a coin is offered it is often supposed to
disappear, being taken by the spirit of the well.54
The coin has clearly the nature of an offering, and sometimes it must be of gold
or silver, while the antiquity of the custom on Celtic ground is seen by the
classical descriptions of the coins glittering in the pool of Clitumnus and of
the "gold of Toulouse" hid in sacred tanks.55
It is also an old and widespread belief that all water belongs to some divine or
monstrous guardian, who will not part with any of it without a quid pro quo.
In many cases the two rites of rag and pin are not both used, and this may show
that originally they had the same purpose--magical or sacrificial, or perhaps
both. Other sacrifices were also made--an animal, food, or an ex voto, the last
occurring even in late survivals as at S. Thenew's Well, Glasgow, where even in
the eighteenth century tin cut to represent the diseased member was placed on
the tree, or at S. Winifred's Well in Wales, where crutches were left.
Certain waters had the power of ejecting the demon of madness. Besides
drinking, the patient was thrown into the waters, the shock being intended to
drive the demon away, as elsewhere demons are exorcised by flagellation or
beating. The divinity of the waters aided the process, and an offering was
usually made to him. In other cases the sacred waters were supposed to ward off
disease from the district or from those who drank of them. Or,
again, they had the power of conferring fertility.
Women made pilgrimages to wells, drank or bathed in the waters, implored the
spirit or saint to grant them offspring, and made a due offering.56
Spirit or saint, by a transfer of his power, produced fruitfulness, but the idea
was in harmony with the recognised power of water to purify, strengthen, and
heal. Women, for a similar reason, drank or washed in the waters or wore some
articles dipped in them, in order to have an easy delivery or abundance of milk.57
The waters also gave oracles, their method of flowing the amount of water in
the well, the appearance or non-appearance of bubbles at the surface when an
offering was thrown in, the sinking or floating of various articles, all
indicating whether a cure was likely to occur, whether fortune or misfortune
awaited the inquirer, or, in the case of girls, whether their lovers would be
faithful. The movements of the animal guardian of the well were also ominous to
the visitor.58
Rivers or river divinities were also appealed to. In cases of suspected fidelity
the Celts dwelling by the Rhine placed the newly-born child in a shield on the
waters. If it floated the mother was innocent; if it sank it was allowed to
drown, and she was put to death.59
Girls whose purity was suspected were similarly tested, and S. Gregory of Tours
tells how a woman accused of adultery was proved by being thrown into the Saône.60
The mediæval witch ordeal by water is connected with this custom, which is,
however, widespread.61
The malevolent aspect of the spirit of the well is seen in the "cursing
wells" of which it was thought that when some article inscribed with an
enemy's name was thrown into them with the accompaniment of a curse, the spirit
of the well would cause his death. In some cases the curse was inscribed on a
leaden tablet thrown into the waters, just as, in other cases, a prayer for the
offerer's benefit was engraved on it. Or, again, objects over which a charm had
been said were placed in a well that the victim who drew water might be injured.
An excellent instance of a cursing-well is that of Fynnon Elian in Denbigh,
which must once have had a guardian priestess, for in 1815 an old woman who had
charge of it presided at the ceremony. She wrote the name of the victim in a
book, receiving a gift at the same time. A pin was dropped into the well in the
name of the victim, and through it and through knowledge of his name, the spirit
of the well acted upon him to his hurt.62
Obviously rites like these, in which magic and religion mingle, are not purely
Celtic, but it is of interest to note their existence in Celtic lands and among
Celtic folk.
Footnotes
1. Ethnol. in Folklore, 104 f.
2. D'Arbois, PH ii. 132, 169; Dottin, 240.
3. Justin, xxxii. 3; Strabo, iv. 1. 13.
4. S. Gregory, In Glor. Conf. ch. 2. Perhaps the feast and offerings were
intended to cause rain in time of drought. See p.
321, infra.
5. Adamnan, Vita Colum. ii. 10.
6. See Holder, s.v.
7. D'Arbois, RC x. 168, xiv. 377; CIL xii. 33; Propertius, iv. 10. 41.
8. See p. 349, infra.
9. Cf. Ptolemy's Δηούανα and
Δηουνα (ii. 3. 19, 11. 29); the Scots and English
Dee; the Divy in Wales; Dêve, Dive, and Divette in France; Devon in England;
Deva in Spain (Ptolemy's Δηούα, ii. 6. 8). The Shannon
is surnamed even in the seventh century "the goddess" (Trip. Life,
313).
10. Holder, s.v.; D'Arbois, PH ii. 119, thinks Matrona is
Ligurian. But it seems to have strong Celtic affinities.
11. Rhŷs, HL 27-29, RC iv. 137.
12. On the whole subject see Pictet, "Quelques noms celtiques de rivières,"
RC ii. 1 f. Orosius, v. 15. 6, describes the sacrifices of gold, silver,
and horses, made to the Rhône.
13. Maury, 18. By extension of this belief any divinity might appear by the haunted
spring. S. Patrick and his synod of bishops at an Irish well were supposed to be
síd or gods (p.
64, supra.) By a fairy well Jeanne d'Arc had her first vision.
14. Greg. Tours, Vita Patr. c. 6.
15. See Reinach, Catal. Sommaire, 23, 115; Baudot, Rapport sur les
fouilles faits aux sources de la Seine, ii. 120; RC ii. 26.
16. For these tablets see Nicolson, Keltic Studies, 131 f.; Jullian, RC
1898.
17. Sébillot, ii. 195.
18. Prologue to Chrestien's Conte du Graal.
19. Sébillot, ii. 202 f.,
20. Ibid. 196-197; Martin, 140-141; Dalyell, 411.
21. Rhŷs, CFL i. 366; Folk-Lore, viii. 281. If the fish appeared
when an invalid drank of the well, this was a good omen. For the custom of
burying sacred animals, see Herod. ii. 74; Ælian, xiii. 26.
22. Gomme, Ethnol. in Folklore, 92.
23. Trip. Life, 113; Tigernach, Annals, A.D. 1061.
24. Mackinley, 184.
25. Burne, Shropshire Folk-Lore, 416; Campbell, WHT ii. 145.
26. Old Stat. Account, xii. 465.
27. S. Patrick, when he cleared Ireland of serpents, dealt in this way with the
worst specimens. S. Columba quelled a monster which terrified the dwellers by
the Ness. Joyce, PN i. 197; Adamnan, Vita Columb. ii. 28 Kennedy,
12, 82, 246; RC iv. 172, 186.
28. RC xii. 347.
29. For the water-horse, see Campbell, WHT iv. 307; Macdougall, 294;
Campbell, Superstitions, 203; and for the Manx Glashtyn, a kind of
water-horse, see Rhŷs, CFL i. 285. For French cognates, see Bérenger-Féraud,
Superstitions et Survivances, i. 349 f.
30. Reinach, CMR i. 63.
31. Orosius, v. 15. 6.
32. LU 2a. Of Eochaid is told a variant of the Midas story--the
discovery of his horse's ears. This is also told of Labraid Lorc (RC ii.
98; Kennedy, 256) and of King Marc’h in Brittany and in Wales (Le Braz, ii.
96; Rhŷs, CFL 233). Other variants are found in non-Celtic regions,
so the story has no mythological significance on Celtic ground.
33. Ptol. ii. 2. 7.
34. Campbell, WHT iv. 300f.; Rhŷs, CFL i. 284; Waldron, Isle
of Man, 147.
35. Macdougall, 296; Campbell, Superstitions, 195. For the Uruisg as Brownie,
see WHT ii. 9; Graham, Scenery of Perthshire, 19.
36. Rhŷs, CFL ii. 431, 469, HL, 592; Book of Taliesin,
vii. 135.
37. Sébillot, ii. 340; LL 165; IT i. 699.
38. Sébillot, ii. 409.
39. See Pughe, The Physicians of Myddfai, 1861 (these were descendants of a
water-fairy); Rhŷs, Y Cymmrodor, iv. 164; Hartland, Arch. Rev.
i. 202. Such water-gods with lovely daughters are known in most mythologies--the
Greek Nereus and the Nereids, the Slavonic Water-king, and the Japanese god
Ocean-Possessor (Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, 148; Chamberlain, Ko-ji-ki,
120). Manannan had nine daughters (Wood-Martin, i. 135).
40. Sébillot, ii. 338, 344; Rhŷs, CFL i. 213; Henderson, Folk-Lore
of the N. Counties, 262. Cf. the rhymes, "L'Arguenon veut chaque année
son poisson," the "fish" being a human victim, and
"Blood-thirsty Dee
Each year needs three,
But bonny Don,
She needs none."
41. Sébillot, ii. 339.
42. Rendes Dindsenchas, RC xv. 315, 457. Other instances of punishment
following misuse of a well are given in Sébillot, ii. 192; Rees, 520, 623. An
Irish lake no longer healed after a hunter swam his mangy hounds through it
(Joyce, PN ii. 90). A similar legend occurs with the Votiaks, one of
whose sacred lakes was removed to its present position because a woman washed
dirty clothes in it (L'Anthropologie, xv. 107).
43. Rhŷs, CFL i. 392.
44. Girald. Cambr. Itin. Hib. ii. 9; Joyce, OCR 97; Kennedy, 281;
O'Grady, i. 233; Skene, ii. 59; Campbell, WHT ii. 147. The waters often
submerge a town, now seen below the waves--the town of Is in Armorica, (Le Braz,
i. p. xxxix), or the towers under Lough Neagh. In some Welsh instances a man is
the culprit (Rhŷs, CFL i. 379). In the case of Lough Neagh the
keeper of the well was Liban, who lived on in the waters as a mermaid. Later she
was caught and received the baptismal name of Muirghenn, "sea-birth."
Here the myth of a water-goddess, said to have been baptized, is attached to the
legend of the careless guardian of a spring, with whom she is identified
(O'Grady, ii. 184, 265).
45. Roberts, Cambrian Pop. Antiq. 246; Hunt, Popular Romances, 291 New
Stat. Account, x. 313.
46. Thorpe, Northern Myth. ii. 78.
47. Joyce, PN ii. 84. Slán occurs in many names of wells.
Well-worship is denounced in the canons of the Fourth Council of Arles.
48. Cartailhac, L'Age de Pierre, 74; Bulliot et Thiollier, Mission de S.
Martin, 60.
49. Sébillot, ii. 284.
50. Dalyell, 79-80; Sébillot, ii. 282, 374; see p.
266, infra.
51. I have compiled this account of the ritual from notices of the modern usages in
various works. See, e.g., Moore, Folk-Lore, v. 212; Mackinley, passim;
Hope, Holy Wells; Rhŷs, CFL; Sébillot, 175 f.; Dixon, Gairloch,
150 f.
52. Brand, ii. 68; Greg, In Glor. Conf. c. 2.
53. Sébillot, 1 293, 296; Folk-Lore, iv. 55.
54. Mackinley, 194; Sébillot, ii. 296.
55. Folk-Lore, iii. 67; Athenæum, 1893, 415; Pliny, Ep. viii.
8; Strabo, iv. 287; Diod, Sic. v. 9.
56. Walker, Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot. vol. v.; Sébillot, ii. 232. In some early
Irish instances a worm swallowed with the waters by a woman causes pregnancy.
See p. 352,
infra.
57. Sébillot, ii. 235-236.
58. See Le Braz, i. 61; Folk-Lore, v. 214; Rhŷs, CFL i. 364;
Dalyell, 606507; Scott, Minstrelsy, Introd. xliii; Martin, 7; Sébillot,
ii. 242 f.; RC ii. 486.
59. Jullian, Ep. to Maximin, 16. The practice may have been connected with
that noted by Aristotle, of plunging the newly-born into a river, to strengthen
it, as he says (Pol. vii. 15. 2), but more probably as a baptismal or
purificatory rite. See p.
309, infra.
60. Lefevre, Les Gaulois, 109; Michelet, Origines du droit français,
268.
61. See examples of its use in Post, Grundriss der Ethnol. Jurisprudenz, ii.
459 f.
62. Roberts, Cambrian Popular Antiquities, 246.
1. Ethnol. in Folklore, 104 f.
2. D'Arbois, PH ii. 132, 169; Dottin, 240.
3. Justin, xxxii. 3; Strabo, iv. 1. 13.
4. S. Gregory, In Glor. Conf. ch. 2. Perhaps the feast and offerings were
intended to cause rain in time of drought. See p.
321, infra.
5. Adamnan, Vita Colum. ii. 10.
6. See Holder, s.v.
7. D'Arbois, RC x. 168, xiv. 377; CIL xii. 33; Propertius, iv. 10. 41.
8. See p. 349, infra.
9. Cf. Ptolemy's Δηούανα and
Δηουνα (ii. 3. 19, 11. 29); the Scots and English
Dee; the Divy in Wales; Dêve, Dive, and Divette in France; Devon in England;
Deva in Spain (Ptolemy's Δηούα, ii. 6. 8). The Shannon
is surnamed even in the seventh century "the goddess" (Trip. Life,
313).
10. Holder, s.v.; D'Arbois, PH ii. 119, thinks Matrona is
Ligurian. But it seems to have strong Celtic affinities.
11. Rhŷs, HL 27-29, RC iv. 137.
12. On the whole subject see Pictet, "Quelques noms celtiques de rivières,"
RC ii. 1 f. Orosius, v. 15. 6, describes the sacrifices of gold, silver,
and horses, made to the Rhône.
13. Maury, 18. By extension of this belief any divinity might appear by the haunted
spring. S. Patrick and his synod of bishops at an Irish well were supposed to be
síd or gods (p.
64, supra.) By a fairy well Jeanne d'Arc had her first vision.
14. Greg. Tours, Vita Patr. c. 6.
15. See Reinach, Catal. Sommaire, 23, 115; Baudot, Rapport sur les
fouilles faits aux sources de la Seine, ii. 120; RC ii. 26.
16. For these tablets see Nicolson, Keltic Studies, 131 f.; Jullian, RC
1898.
17. Sébillot, ii. 195.
18. Prologue to Chrestien's Conte du Graal.
19. Sébillot, ii. 202 f.,
20. Ibid. 196-197; Martin, 140-141; Dalyell, 411.
21. Rhŷs, CFL i. 366; Folk-Lore, viii. 281. If the fish appeared
when an invalid drank of the well, this was a good omen. For the custom of
burying sacred animals, see Herod. ii. 74; Ælian, xiii. 26.
22. Gomme, Ethnol. in Folklore, 92.
23. Trip. Life, 113; Tigernach, Annals, A.D. 1061.
24. Mackinley, 184.
25. Burne, Shropshire Folk-Lore, 416; Campbell, WHT ii. 145.
26. Old Stat. Account, xii. 465.
27. S. Patrick, when he cleared Ireland of serpents, dealt in this way with the
worst specimens. S. Columba quelled a monster which terrified the dwellers by
the Ness. Joyce, PN i. 197; Adamnan, Vita Columb. ii. 28 Kennedy,
12, 82, 246; RC iv. 172, 186.
28. RC xii. 347.
29. For the water-horse, see Campbell, WHT iv. 307; Macdougall, 294;
Campbell, Superstitions, 203; and for the Manx Glashtyn, a kind of
water-horse, see Rhŷs, CFL i. 285. For French cognates, see Bérenger-Féraud,
Superstitions et Survivances, i. 349 f.
30. Reinach, CMR i. 63.
31. Orosius, v. 15. 6.
32. LU 2a. Of Eochaid is told a variant of the Midas story--the
discovery of his horse's ears. This is also told of Labraid Lorc (RC ii.
98; Kennedy, 256) and of King Marc’h in Brittany and in Wales (Le Braz, ii.
96; Rhŷs, CFL 233). Other variants are found in non-Celtic regions,
so the story has no mythological significance on Celtic ground.
33. Ptol. ii. 2. 7.
34. Campbell, WHT iv. 300f.; Rhŷs, CFL i. 284; Waldron, Isle
of Man, 147.
35. Macdougall, 296; Campbell, Superstitions, 195. For the Uruisg as Brownie,
see WHT ii. 9; Graham, Scenery of Perthshire, 19.
36. Rhŷs, CFL ii. 431, 469, HL, 592; Book of Taliesin,
vii. 135.
37. Sébillot, ii. 340; LL 165; IT i. 699.
38. Sébillot, ii. 409.
39. See Pughe, The Physicians of Myddfai, 1861 (these were descendants of a
water-fairy); Rhŷs, Y Cymmrodor, iv. 164; Hartland, Arch. Rev.
i. 202. Such water-gods with lovely daughters are known in most mythologies--the
Greek Nereus and the Nereids, the Slavonic Water-king, and the Japanese god
Ocean-Possessor (Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, 148; Chamberlain, Ko-ji-ki,
120). Manannan had nine daughters (Wood-Martin, i. 135).
40. Sébillot, ii. 338, 344; Rhŷs, CFL i. 213; Henderson, Folk-Lore
of the N. Counties, 262. Cf. the rhymes, "L'Arguenon veut chaque année
son poisson," the "fish" being a human victim, and
"Blood-thirsty Dee
Each year needs three,
But bonny Don,
She needs none."
41. Sébillot, ii. 339.
42. Rendes Dindsenchas, RC xv. 315, 457. Other instances of punishment
following misuse of a well are given in Sébillot, ii. 192; Rees, 520, 623. An
Irish lake no longer healed after a hunter swam his mangy hounds through it
(Joyce, PN ii. 90). A similar legend occurs with the Votiaks, one of
whose sacred lakes was removed to its present position because a woman washed
dirty clothes in it (L'Anthropologie, xv. 107).
43. Rhŷs, CFL i. 392.
44. Girald. Cambr. Itin. Hib. ii. 9; Joyce, OCR 97; Kennedy, 281;
O'Grady, i. 233; Skene, ii. 59; Campbell, WHT ii. 147. The waters often
submerge a town, now seen below the waves--the town of Is in Armorica, (Le Braz,
i. p. xxxix), or the towers under Lough Neagh. In some Welsh instances a man is
the culprit (Rhŷs, CFL i. 379). In the case of Lough Neagh the
keeper of the well was Liban, who lived on in the waters as a mermaid. Later she
was caught and received the baptismal name of Muirghenn, "sea-birth."
Here the myth of a water-goddess, said to have been baptized, is attached to the
legend of the careless guardian of a spring, with whom she is identified
(O'Grady, ii. 184, 265).
45. Roberts, Cambrian Pop. Antiq. 246; Hunt, Popular Romances, 291 New
Stat. Account, x. 313.
46. Thorpe, Northern Myth. ii. 78.
47. Joyce, PN ii. 84. Slán occurs in many names of wells.
Well-worship is denounced in the canons of the Fourth Council of Arles.
48. Cartailhac, L'Age de Pierre, 74; Bulliot et Thiollier, Mission de S.
Martin, 60.
49. Sébillot, ii. 284.
50. Dalyell, 79-80; Sébillot, ii. 282, 374; see p.
266, infra.
51. I have compiled this account of the ritual from notices of the modern usages in
various works. See, e.g., Moore, Folk-Lore, v. 212; Mackinley, passim;
Hope, Holy Wells; Rhŷs, CFL; Sébillot, 175 f.; Dixon, Gairloch,
150 f.
52. Brand, ii. 68; Greg, In Glor. Conf. c. 2.
53. Sébillot, 1 293, 296; Folk-Lore, iv. 55.
54. Mackinley, 194; Sébillot, ii. 296.
55. Folk-Lore, iii. 67; Athenæum, 1893, 415; Pliny, Ep. viii.
8; Strabo, iv. 287; Diod, Sic. v. 9.
56. Walker, Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot. vol. v.; Sébillot, ii. 232. In some early
Irish instances a worm swallowed with the waters by a woman causes pregnancy.
See p. 352,
infra.
57. Sébillot, ii. 235-236.
58. See Le Braz, i. 61; Folk-Lore, v. 214; Rhŷs, CFL i. 364;
Dalyell, 606507; Scott, Minstrelsy, Introd. xliii; Martin, 7; Sébillot,
ii. 242 f.; RC ii. 486.
59. Jullian, Ep. to Maximin, 16. The practice may have been connected with
that noted by Aristotle, of plunging the newly-born into a river, to strengthen
it, as he says (Pol. vii. 15. 2), but more probably as a baptismal or
purificatory rite. See p.
309, infra.
60. Lefevre, Les Gaulois, 109; Michelet, Origines du droit français,
268.
61. See examples of its use in Post, Grundriss der Ethnol. Jurisprudenz, ii.
459 f.
62. Roberts, Cambrian Popular Antiquities, 246.
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